ChilliГ¶l Description Video
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Log In Sign Up. Download Free PDF. Achilli, L. Luigi Achilli. Download with Google Download with Facebook or. Download Full PDF Package This paper.
A short summary of this paper. READ PAPER. Achilli eui. Motivated by the circulation of this pejorative view in media and political discourse, I carried out ethnographic research with Syrian refugees and smugglers in Turkey, Greece, Jordan, and Lebanon with the ultimate goal of documenting what being a smuggler entails for the very actors of this unfolding drama.
Fieldwork showed me how human smuggling was rooted in patterns of cooperation and support. Keywords human smuggling — Syria crisis — morality — discourse — narratives — irregular migration — border control — Turkey 1 Introduction1 In September , the image of three-year-old Alan Kurdi lying on a beach after drowning while trying to reach Greece from Turkey sent waves of indignation 1 I am grateful for the perceptive and thoughtful critiques, questions, and commentary pro- vided by three anonymous reviewers and by Robert Barski, Geraldine Chatelard, Antonio De Lauri, Serena Giusti, David Kyle, Alice Massari, Sharif Ghazal Tbeileh, Alessandro Tinti, and Matt Zwolinski.
All mistakes are my own. Who was the smuggler, then? Media and political discourses, however, have placed more emphasis on the moral dimension of this actor than on their logistical skills.
It all began — as we shall see later — with a misplaced question: are human smugglers motivated by anything other than greed and disregard for human life?
To answer this question, my research benefited from the empirical value of a growing, yet still small, body of scholarship that has questioned oversimplified depictions of the relationship between the smuggling facilitator, the travellers 2 Ali, N.
United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and The Protocols Thereto, pp. As early as , Jeroen Doomernik and David Kyle summarized the complex relationship between smugglers and migrants as a spectrum ranging from the altruistic assistance provided by family members or friends to the exploitative and abusive practices carried out by hardened criminals.
The moment was, to use an infelicitous choice of words, propitious. Hundreds of thousands of Syrians had fled their homes and sought refuge in Europe and elsewhere following the outbreak of the conflict in At the time of my research, smugglers operated especially out of Tur- key, which soon became a gathering point for Syrian refugees travelling from Syria and its neighbouring countries to Europe.
As my fieldwork unfolded, a more complex picture emerged. The time spent with my interlocutors showed me how human smuggling held strong social and moral significance for both migrants and smugglers.
Despite assumptions of deceit and deception, trust and cooperation seemed to be the rule more than the exception in the interaction between migrants and those behind their journeys.
Most smugglers operated by helping members of their immediate circles to reach the destinations that would have been otherwise precluded to them through legal channels.
Remarkably, not only did smugglers depict them- selves as service providers who privileged ethical choices over mere profit, but even migrants described them as muhtaramin decent and respectable per- sons.
Indeed, human smuggling appeared to be rooted in patterns of coopera- tion, protection, and support. Palgrave Macmillan; Sanchez, G.
Routledge; Tinti, P. Migrant, Refugee, Smuggler, Savior. Oxford University Press. See, for example, Baird, T. Human Smuggling in the Eastern Mediterra- nean.
Crucial elements in a mechanism of protection from below, smugglers were widely perceived by migrants and even themselves as abusive exploiters who prey on the need of safety of their victims, the migrants.
This inconsistency bothered me. When interacting with smugglers, they never called them with the Arabic equivalent — muharrib — a word with a negative connotation that evokes ex- ploitation and violence.
Neither they used this term privately when they spoke of a facilitator with whom they were in good terms and trusted. A muharrib could not be muhtaram by definition.
In fact, migrants referred to their own fa- cilitators by using their personal names or honorific appellatives such as hajj9 or ammi litt. And, when asked to comment over the inner characteristics and moral dispositions of these facilitators of irregular migration, their narratives did not diverge from mainstream narratives of migration.
Smugglers were bad. I was ready to romance resistance, to enjoy my research participants debunk- ing of the derogatory ways that media and political leaders used to describe human smuggling; yet, that did not happen.
At that point in my fieldwork, I was not still prepared to understand the near unanimity with which migrants and even smugglers complied with mainstream narratives about human smug- gling as a fundamentally predatory activity.
Interestingly enough, however, the way my interlocutors represented the smuggler was not unique. Sharham Khosravi notes10 how the perception of irregular migration as fundamentally countries.
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